Nominee for Administrator of OIRA and “the Administrative State”

Neomi Rao, the nominee for Administrator of the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs, comes from founding the Center for the Study of the Administrative State at George Mason University.  The home page for the Center has a good summary of the arguments put forward about the ‘Administrative State’ by proponents of its dismantling:

Problems of administrative accountability occur in all three branches of the federal government.

  • Congress often delegates open-ended authority to agencies, but manages waivers and exemptions for its favored groups.
  • Executive Agencies often seize broad authority from open-ended statutes, regulating through informal mechanisms, and imposing requirements through consent decrees and litigation threats.
  • The Judiciary has posed few barriers to this expansion, because current judicial doctrines require significant deference to agency interpretations.

Administration increasingly occurs in informal and unorthodox ways, allowing for the growth of the federal government outside the checks and balances of the Constitution. In practice, compliance with regulatory requirements imposes heavy economic, political, and social costs on individuals and businesses.

The Senate is expected to approve Ms. Rao’s nomination today.  For more background, see Steve Eder’s article in Sunday’s New York Times. UPDATE: Rao was confirmed by the Senate on 10 July 2017.

Prosecution under the Espionage Act — What is “National Defense”Information?

On June 5, 2017, a criminal complaint was filed in the Southern District of Georgia charging Reality Leigh Winner, 25, a federal contractor from Augusta, Georgia, with removing classified material from a government facility and mailing it to a news outlet, in violation of 18 U.S.C. Section 793(e),  more generally known as the Espionage Act.

The critical questions that we should be asking the DOJ prosecutors in regard to the alleged disclosures by Reality Winner are:

Is the information “national defense” information; what does that mean?  Is there real harm to national security — and how is that defined? Was there criminal intent in the disclosure? Who decides?

According to Deputy Attorney General Rod J. Rosenstein, “Releasing classified material without authorization threatens our nation’s security and undermines public faith in government. People who are trusted with classified information and pledge to protect it must be held accountable when they violate that obligation.”

The repeated use of the term ‘classified’ is of interest here.

The Espionage Act statutes that have been used to prosecute most leak cases (18 USC 793, 794) and under which Ms. Winner has been indicted do not mention “classified information” at all.  Rather, they apply to “national defense” information, an imprecise term that is not coextensive with “classified” information. Courts have interpreted the convoluted language of the Espionage Act to mean that only those with the requisite criminal intent will have violated the law.

Our modern classification regime postdates the Act by over 30 years. And yet the indictments and prosecutions under the Act in recent times all have to do with ‘classified information.’  Not, one should note, properly-classified information – which is what the Executive Order says.

The Espionage Act was at the center of the Pentagon Papers case, decided in 1971. Daniel Ellsberg, who leaked the papers, and an associate were tried under the statute, but the judge declared a mistrial, so the case never got to the jury.  The Supreme Court never squarely confronted the frontier question – When is a willful leak “prejudicial to the safety or interest of the United States”?

Judge T.S. Ellis, III, the presiding judge in the AIPAC case, ruled in 2006 that, in order to convict someone of unauthorized disclosure of national defense information (not involving disclosure of documents), it would be necessary for prosecutors “to demonstrate the likelihood of [the] defendant’s bad faith purpose to either harm the United States or to aid a foreign government.”

According to legal experts on classified information and on the Espionage Act, the Supreme Court seems satisfied that national security is a vital interest sufficient to justify some intrusion—at least with respect to federal employees — into activities that would otherwise be protected by the First Amendment.  Although the Court has not held that government classification of material is sufficient to show that its release is damaging to the national security, it has seemed to accept without much discussion the government’s assertion that the material in question is damaging.  (Criminal Prohibitions…, p. 19)

Thus, it is unlikely that a defendant’s bare assertion that information poses no danger to U.S. national security will be persuasive without some convincing evidence to that effect – proving a negative, or proof that the information is not closely guarded by the government. Rather, the fact of government classification will likely “serve as strong evidence to support that contention, even if the information seems relatively innocuous or does not contain much that is not already publicly known.” (Criminal Prohibitions…, p. 16)

How does the current Executive Order on National Security Classification, E.O. 13526, talk about information that needs protection? It notes in the introductory material, “… throughout our history, the national defense has required that certain information be maintained in confidence in order to protect our citizens, our democratic institutions, our homeland security, and our interactions with foreign nations.  Protecting information critical to our Nation’s security and demonstrating our commitment to open Government through accurate and accountable application of classification standards and routine, secure, and effective declassification are equally important priorities.”

As CRS has noted, barring such a showing, the Espionage Act become a means to punish whistle-blowers who reveal information that poses more of a danger of embarrassing public officials than of endangering national security. (Criminal Prohibitions…, p. 19)  To which many would say, “Exactly…”

Patrice McDermott

Trump voter commission to store data on White House computers under Pence staff direction

What could possibly go wrong with this?  According to the Washington Post, on 7 July the Trump administration told a federal judge that it plans to keep voter roll data it has requested from all 50 states and the District on White House computers under the direction of a member of Vice President Pence’s staff.

The disclosure of the White House role came in a government filing required in a lawsuit by the Electronic Privacy Information Center, a watchdog organization that has asked a federal judge in Washington to block the requests for voter data until the impact on Americans’ privacy can be fully assessed.

A decision on the request for a temporary restraining order by U.S. District Judge Colleen Kollar-Kotelly is expected as early as Friday afternoon.

Spencer Hsu reports that the May executive order creating the Presidential Advisory Commission on Election Integrity stated that the panel would be funded and staffed through the General Services Administration — a federal agency subject to privacy requirements. That arrangement has shifted: “At this time, there are no plans for the General Services Administration to collect or store any voter registration or other elections-related data for the Commission,” Kobach said in response to questions from the court.

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NO DATA. NO CHANGE.®

“You can’t change what you can’t see.” A new nonprofit, Measures for Justice is gathering data from around the country to allow citizens to compare and contrast their local justice systems with those of other jurisdictions. This sort of national data has been largely missing from policy debates over justice reform. See Beth Schwartzapfel’s (The Marshall Project) report about what she calls a “video game for criminal justice nerds.”

®©2017 Measures for Justice. All rights reserved.

ICE should release its death reports so we can know the truth about immigration detention deaths

In a 25 May op-ed, Grace Meng (a senior U.S. researcher at Human Rights Watch) and Christina Fialho (an attorney and the co-executive director of CIVIC – Community Initiatives for Visiting Immigrants in Confinement) write that ICE is required to investigate every death in detention and produce a “detainee death report,” but it generally does not publicly release these reports. ICE provides only sparse information about deaths in detention in its news release — the person’s name, nationality, and occasionally immigration or criminal history.

Meng and Fialho report that last June, ICE took the unusual step of releasing reports covering 18 of the 21 deaths of immigrants in detention from May 2012 through June 2015. At the request of HRW and CIVIC,  independent medical experts analyzed the facts and timelines, as documented by ICE’s own investigation. They found that the patients had received appropriate care in only two cases. In 16 of the deaths, the experts found evidence of severely inadequate medical care. In seven of the cases, they concluded that the poor medical care directly contributed to the deaths of these immigrants.

Thanks to the Marshall Project for highlighting this story.

Disappearing Information/Deconstructing Accountable Government — What We Track

How do removals of information and limitations of access pertain to the Administrative State?  What is this thing (if it is, indeed, a thing), from where/whom does the concept come, and where does it lead (cui bono)?  Is it the immutable, first principles, originalist reading of the Constitution its proponents would have us believe — or is it quite mutable to suit the purposes of those it benefits?

This concept and how it relates to what is being done to our government and the career civil servants who make it work will be one of the focuses of Government Information Watch.

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